Courts should put the burden on prosecutors to prove that the president did not influence their charging decision—or grant defendants a limited discovery to seek evidence to the contrary.
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Just as presidents respond in various ways to norms, so, too, do they react to changes in the legal structure with direct political and governing implications.
President Trump is not wrong that China is meddling in U.S. politics. But his exaggerated allegations before the U.N. General Assembly will only make it harder to find solutions.
The New York Times story will assist Trump’s “Witch Hunt” and “Deep State” narrative, and deepen worries about the stability of our government.
A formal congressional inquiry into grounds for impeachment would be a more constitutionally sound response to an unfit president than the internal "resistance" described in the anonymous New York Times op-ed.
If McGahn is not what the president would have preferred in a counsel to the Trump administration, McGahn has clearly succeeded to a significant degree as the chief White House lawyer in a Republican administration.
Gaining the cooperation of criminal defendants is essential to law enforcement efforts. The president is undermining that tool.
What if the president, instead of tweeting, issued clear legal determinations that he specifically said are binding on the executive branch?
Is the president tampering with a witness by means of public tweets and media interviews?
Attorney Michael Cohen pleaded guilty Tuesday to a charge that is compelling only because of the story he has to tell, along with other evidence, about the way that Donald Trump operates.